I’ve taken the polling of most states at face value, and have diverged from them if they’ve historically been inaccurate in that state or if the state has been trending towards one direction for a reasonable amount of time. Given Trump’s rhetoric with regard to deportations, I think it’s likely that more illegal immigrants will try to vote this election, particularly in states that don’t have voter ID laws. Historically, only about 2-5% of illegals admit to voting in elections, and I could see that number getting to 10% or maybe even 15% this election. That could lead to gains for Democrats of about 0.1 to 1% in some states, depending on how many illegals there are and how willing they are to vote.
On specific states:
Nevada: large illegal population, no voter ID requirement, and polls have historically underestimated the performance of Democrats in presidential elections that include Trump. (80% Harris)
Arizona: has voter ID laws, and polls look good for Trump now. (70% Trump)
New Mexico: no voter ID requirement, has not underestimated Trump in presidential elections, and polls have a large lead for Harris. (~95% Harris).
Texas: polls predict Trump will win, and they’ve accurately estimated Trump’s performance there. (~95% Trump).
Wisconsin: has voter IDs and polls persistently underestimate his performance in presidential elections that involve Trump. Polls right now are even. (75% Trump).
Michigan: same reasoning as Wisconsin (65% Trump).
Pennsylvania: the polls are even. There are no voter ID laws, which may enable illegals to vote, though the state does not have many to begin with. (55% Trump).
Georgia: Trump’s polling is good and Georgia’s polling has historically been accurate. The state has been trending Democrat ever since the aughts, which reduces Trump’s chances. (55% Trump).
North Carolina: polling looks good for Trump, and both the RCP and 538 polls have historically underestimated his performance. (85% Trump).
Florida: polling looks very good for Trump and they have historically underestimated his performance there. Illegals voting should not be much of an issue due to the strict voter ID laws. (~95% Trump).
If a simple probabilistic model is made, then Trump wins 55% of the time and Kamala wins 45% of the time. The odds for Trump here are lower than what I expected, but some of it is driven by the fact that Kamala was given a 5% chance of winning Texas and Florida. If she wins either of those two states, she almost certainly wins the whole thing.
My take? Watch the three rust belt states. The thinking is that Trump winning Georgia and Wisconsin don’t have that much to do with each other, but that Trump winning Wisconsin is also dependent on him doing well with the broader rust belt demographic.
Notes

2020 poliing error (538):
![OC] State-by-state polling error in the 2020 presidential election : r/dataisbeautiful OC] State-by-state polling error in the 2020 presidential election : r/dataisbeautiful](https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Ff1fe21a6-092f-44fb-bb04-adbac976ef33_4703x3117.jpeg)
2016 polling error (modeled 538):

2020 polling error (modeled 538):

Polling error in swing states (RCP):

#The reasoning for not taking the polling error that seriously is that this is not the same election. More celebrities and high status people are publicly endorsing Trump, and social media websites are much less hostile to him now.
n <- 10000
nv <- sample(c(0, 1), size = n, replace = TRUE, prob = c(0.2, 0.8))
az <- sample(c(0, 1), size = n, replace = TRUE, prob = c(0.7, 0.3))
nm <- sample(c(0, 1), size = n, replace = TRUE, prob = c(0.05, 0.95))
tx <- sample(c(0, 1), size = n, replace = TRUE, prob = c(0.95, 0.05))
wi <- sample(c(0, 1), size = n, replace = TRUE, prob = c(0.75, 0.25))
mi <- sample(c(0, 1), size = n, replace = TRUE, prob = c(0.65, 0.35))
pa <- sample(c(0, 1), size = n, replace = TRUE, prob = c(0.55, 0.45))
ga <- sample(c(0, 1), size = n, replace = TRUE, prob = c(0.55, 0.45))
nc <- sample(c(0, 1), size = n, replace = TRUE, prob = c(0.85, 0.15))
fl <- sample(c(0, 1), size = n, replace = TRUE, prob = c(0.95, 0.05))
nv <- nv*6
az <- az*11
nm <- nm*5
tx <- tx*40
wi <- wi*10
mi <- mi*15
pa <- pa*19
ga <- ga*16
nc <- nc*16
fl <- fl*30
el <- rep(227, 10000)
kamalavote <- el + nv + az + nm + tx + wi + mi + pa + ga + nc + fl
kdf <- data.frame(vote=kamalavote,nv, az, nm, tx, wi, mi, pa, ga, nc, fl)
kdf$kamalawin <- 0
kdf$kamalawin[kdf$vote>270] <- 1
kdf$kamalawin[kdf$vote==270] <- NA
kdf %>% group_by(kamalawin)%>% summarise(n = n())
# A tibble: 3 × 2
kamalawin n
<dbl> <int>
1 0 5521
2 1 4401
3 NA 78
I don't consider it plausible that undocumented migrants vote in anywhere near sufficient numbers to have an appreciable chance of having an impact on US election results, and it's not even obvious to me that their votes - being heavily selected for propensity for fraud - would favor Dems, as opposed to, you know, the party that actually glorifies cheating and criminality.
Singular anecdote, etc., etc., but the one American that I know for sure was an "illegal" at one point is an avid Trump supporter. https://x.com/powerfultakes/status/1776477016386068534
I’ve also developed a new prediction model for the 2024 U.S. Presidential election. This model focuses on using only pro-Trump partisan polls to see how they compare to high-quality polls that generally give Kamala Harris a 62.4% winning probability. My aim was to address claims from Democrats suggesting a "flood" of pro-Trump polls skewing major prediction sites.
Key Findings:
- High-quality polls estimate Harris’s winning probability at 62.4%, while pro-Trump partisan polls suggest Trump’s chances are at 70.5%.
- The primary reason for these differing outcomes? Substantial differences in Midwest polling predictions.
- I also included a "pro-Trump Midwest bias" model based on prior polling errors, which shows a closer race, with Trump at 51.6% winning odds.
- In battleground states, both models align when predicting a Trump lead, but they diverge in Harris-led states, making this pro-Trump partisan model a more intensified version of the Midwest-bias approach.
Check out the full breakdown and analysis here: https://kaijaeger.substack.com/p/prediction-update-and-a-new-model